A letter to the President of India on Bijapur Massacre

Jharkhand Human Rights Movement
C/o-Mr. Suleman Odeya, Near Don Bosci ITC Gate, Khorha Toli, Kokar, Ranchi -834001. 0651-3242752 Email: jhrmindia@gmail.com

Ref: JHRM/PI/2013/02 Date: 24/05/2013

To,
Sri Pranab Mukherjee,
President of India,
Rashtrapati Bhavan,
New Delhi – 110004
India.

Sub: requesting for a high level judicial inquiry, legal action and fixing accountability on the case of brutal killing of 8 Adivasis/Tribals by the Security forces in an alleged encounter took at Aarespeta village of Bijapur district in Chhatisgarh.

Dear Sir,

1. I would like to bring your kind attention on the above said subject that eight Adivasis/Tribal people namely (1) Pandu, (2) Bahadur, (3) Joga, (4) Komu, (5) Punam, (6) Somu, (7) Lakhmu and (8) Karam Masa all are resident of Aaresmpeta village comes under Ganglur police station of Bijapur district in the state of Chhatisgarh were brutally killed by the Security Forces at 9:30 P.M. on 17 May, 2013 at Aarespeta village in an alleged encounter took place between the Security Forces and the Maoists.

2. The incident took place when the Tribal people were celebrating the Seed Festival at night. All the villagers including women and children were also present in the festival. The Security forces reached to the spot and fired on them assuming that they were Naxals. According to Village heads – Sri Taram Lakhmu and Taram Budhru, there was no Naxal amongst those who have been killed by the security forces. They also stated that the villagers were celebrating seed festival when all of sudden without any signal, the security forces fired on them. Consequently, 8 Adivasis/Tribals including three children got killed in the massacre and 22 of them are missing whose whereabouts are not known till now. In the incident, one Jawan died and two were injured, which is result of the cross firing among the Security forces.

3. The village heads – Taram Lakhmu and Taram Budhru have also stated that in the police firing four persons including two minors namely Renu aged 10 years and Punam Samlu aged about 15 years and Taram Aaytu and Soni Taram have been injured who are in serious condition. It is also a matter of great concern to know that it took almost two days for the state government to admit the four seriously injured villagers for medical help at Jagdalpur hospital where as a number of Ambulances are available. These Adivasis/Tribals were innocent people and not the Naxal but the Security Forces killed them in cold blooded murder and these kinds of massacres are being repeatedly taking place in the state of Chhatisgarh, which is known as so-called emerging state in terms of economic growth at the cost of Tribals. On 28 June, 2012, in a similar incident 17 Adivasis/Tribals of Kottaguda, Sarkeguda and Rajpenta village of Bijapur district had been killed by the Security Forces.

It is a clear case where the State has not only failed to protect and ensure the Constitutional, Legal and Traditional rights of the Adivasis/Tribal people but it has sponsored the crime against the Adivasis/Tribal people of Chhatisgarh instead. Obviously, it has been repeatedly done with the clear intention to promote and protect the interest of the Corporate Houses, who have singed hundred of MoUs with the Chhatisgar Government for mining projects, power plants, steel projects, etc, therefore, the Government has been attempting to clear the land by killing, exploiting and eliminating the Adivasis/Tribals.

Since, you are the custodian of the Adivasis/Tribal people constitutionally, therefore, I humbly request you for the following legal actions:

1. A high level judicial inquiry should be done on the case of brutal killing of 8 Adivasis/Tribals and exploitation of other Tribals by the Security Forces.
2. A case of murder should be registered against all the officers and the security personals who were involved in killing and exploitation of the Adivasis/Tribal people. They should be dismissed from the jobs and arrested immediately.
3. The family members of all 8 deceased persons should be compensated with Rs. 25 lakh per family along with a government job.
4. The wounded victims should also be compensated with Rs. 5 lakh each with free medical support.
5. The Adivasis/Tribals of Chhatisgarh should be provided full security by the Indian Government.
6. Dr. Raman Singh the Chief Minister of Chhatisgarh should be dismissed from the post of Chief Minister because he has failed to enforce and protect the Constitution of India and the Laws of the Land in the state of Chhatisgarh.
7. The anti-Naxal operations should not be carried out in the Adivasi/Tribal villages without prior information and permission of the Gram Sabhas.
8. The forceful land acquisition must be enforced and the MoUs signed without consent of the Gram Sabhas must be cancelled.
9. The Constitutional provisions of 5th Scheduled Areas, PESA Act 1996, FRA 2006 and local land laws must be enforced in the State.
10. A common law should be introduced by the Indian Parliament for the safeguarding of the Adivasis/Tribal People of the 5th Scheduled Areas across the 9 states of India.

I hope you’ll understand the pains, sufferings and agony of the Adivasis/Tribals of India. I shall be highly obliged to you for the same.

Thanking you.

Yours sincerely,
Gladson Dungdung
General Secretary,
JHRM, Ranchi.

A letter to the President of India

Jharkhand Human Rights Movement
C/o-Mr. Suleman Odeya, Near Don Bosci ITC Gate, Khorha Toli, Kokar, Ranchi -834001. 0651-3242752 Email: jhrmindia@gmail.com

Ref: JHRM/PI/2013/01 Date: 01/05/2013

To,
His Excellency,
Sri Pranab Mukherjee,
President of India,
Rashtrapati Bhavan,
New Delhi – 110004
India.

Sub: Requesting to protect the rights of the Scheduled Tribes (Indigenous People of India) or to shoot all of them at once rather than excluding, discriminating, exploiting, torturing and making them landless, resourceless and beggars by alienating them from the natural and livelihood resources in the name of growth and development.

Dear Sir,

1. It is extremely painful to state that I come from an Adivasi (tribal) family, who was displaced by an irrigation project without rehabilitation in 1980 and my parents were brutally murdered in 1990. However, I was managed to survive. On 30th April, 2013, you have inaugurated a power project of the Jindal Steel & Power Ltd at Sundarpahari comes under Godda district of Jharkhand. However, it seems that the tribal people were not allowed to put their concerns in front of you. The tribal people of 11 villages had gathered near Sundarpahari to raise their voices against the power project as some of them had already been displaced during the construction of ‘Sundar Dam’ and now they’ll again be displaced by the Jindal’s power project. However, these tribals were detained in Sundarpahari police station instead of hearing their plea. The question here is do they have right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Indian Constitution? The police have regularly been coercing the tribals who don’t want to surrender their land to the Jindal Company. According to the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949, the land is non-transferable and non-saleable, whether owned by tribals or non-tribals. But how the tribals land is being bought by the Jindal Company? Is the Jindal Company allowed to violet the rule of law?

2. The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India through a writ petition (CIVIL) NO. 180 OF 2011 (Orissa Mining Corporation Vs Ministry of Environment & Forest & Others) has said that the Section 4(d) of the PESA Act 1996 says that every Gram Sabha shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions, customs of the people, their cultural identity, community resources and community mode of dispute resolution. Therefore, Grama Sabha functioning under the Forest Rights Act read with Section 4(d) of PESA Act has an obligation to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the STs and other forest dwellers, their cultural identity, community resources. The Court has ordered the State Government to settle the matter with the Gram Sabha. But is the case of Jindal Company, where is the role of Gram Sabha? Why it has been undermined or put aside? Why did PESA Act 1996 not enforced in this case? Is it because the head of the Jindal Steel & Power Limited is one of the powerful leaders of the Congress Party?

3. The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India has also said through a writ petition (CIVIL) NO. 180 OF 2011 (Orissa Mining Corporation Vs Ministry of Environment & Forest & Others) that the Scheduled Tribes have the Religious freedom guaranteed under Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. It guarantees them the right to practice and propagate not only matters of faith or belief, but all those rituals and observations which are regarded as integral part of their religion. The Court has ordered to protect and preserve the tribals’ deity. However, in last 65 years of Indian democracy, thousands and thousands of sacred groves, religions places and graveyards of tribals were either submerged in Dams or destroyed in the name of development. These are several sacred groves and religions places of the tribal would be destroyed by the power project of the Jindal Company. However, the question is do the tribals really have the freedom of religion as the Apex Court has stated? Why is Government not upholding the rule of law?

4. The tribal people have already lost more than 23 lakh acres of land in Jharkhand in two ways – i) The major part of tribals’ land were taken away from them in the name of growth and development and ii) the non-tribals who came into the 5th Scheduled Area of Jharkhand for jobs also grabbed a huge portion of the tribal land illegally after earning huge money from the development projects and mining. Though the Article 19 (d) & (e) allows the all citizens to move freely throughout the territory of India and to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India but sub-clause (5) also emphasizes that the state can impose reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub-clauses (d & e) for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe. However, nothing has been done in this regard to protect the tribal people. Consequently, the population of the non-tribals is multiplying in the Scheduled areas and the tribal population is rapidly declining.

5. The Jharkhand Government has signed more than 100 MoUs with National and multi-National companies, who are grabbing the trabals land illegally and the government is facilitating it instead of protection the land rights of tribals. The Jharkhand Government has also proposed for two industrial corridors under the Jharkhand Industrial policy 2012. According to JIP-14 (a) State Govt. will initiate necessary steps to promote / develop two industrial corridors, namely Koderma – Bahragora and Ranchi-Patratu- Ramgarh Road, where the efforts will be made to develop the corridor with 25 KM each side of 4 laning, which means, major part of the land will be handed over to the corporate houses. If that happens then where will the tribal people go? Do they have right to a dignified life?

6. On 5 January, 2011, the Apex Court of India while hearing on an appeal (the special leave petition (Cr) No. 10367 of 2010 Kailas & others Vs State of Maharashtra) said that the tribal people (Scheduled Tribes or Adivasis), the Indigenous People of India but they were slaughtered in large numbers, and the survivors and their descendants were degraded, humiliated, and all kinds of atrocities inflicted on them for centuries. They were deprived of their lands, and pushed into forests and hills where they eke out a miserable existence of poverty, illiteracy, disease, etc. And now efforts are being made by some people to deprive them even of their forest and hill land where they are living, and the forest produce on which they survive. Despite this horrible oppression on them, the tribals of India have generally (though not invariably) retained a higher level of ethics than the non-tribals in our country. They normally do not cheat, tell lies, and do other misdeeds which many non-tribals do. They are generally superior in character to the non-tribals. The Apex Court said that it is time now to undo the historical injustice to them. However, the Indian Government has done nothing to protect them. Instead, it has been facilitating in corporate land grab of the Adivasis (tribals or Indigenous People) of India.

Since, you are the custodian of the tribal people of India, therefore, I demand for following actions:
1. To order for investigation on detention of tribals and land grab by the Jindal Steel & Power Limited in Sundar Pahari and also cancel the Jindal’s power project as it is a severe threat to the existence of the tribal people especially the Primitive tribes (Paharia) of Sundar Pahari.
2. To investigate and cancel all the MoUs signed since 2000 without consent of the Gram Sabha under PESA Act 1996 and also order for withdrawal of the Industrial Police 2012 and order the state administration to return the illegally acquired land of the tribals by the corporate houses.
3. To order for a judicial inquiry in all the cases of illegal land grabbed by the non-Adivasis in the Scheduled areas.
4. To order to stop the corporate to buy land by themselves and order the Government to acquire land under the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949 and Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 for development projects with the consent of the Gram Sabha under PESA Act 1996.
5. To order the Government to enforce the rule of law i.e. Constitutional provisions, 5th Schedule Area, PESA Act 1996, CNT Act 1908, SPT Act 1949, the Forest Rights Act 2006, etc.

Indeed, it’s necessary to take the above said steps to protect the constitutional, legal and traditional rights of the tribal people. However, if you are unable to protect us, I would humbly request you to gather all the tribal people at a place and shoot them so that you’ll get rid of us and could build this nation on the graveyards of the tribal as per your dream.

The architect of the Modern India Pt. Jwaharlal Nehru’s Temples of Modern India has turned into graveyards of the tribals (Indigenous People of India). Therefore, in the next time whenever and wherever you inaugurate such development project proposed on the tribals’ land, please remembers that you are building this nation on the graveyards of the Indigenous People of India.

I believe you understand my pain, anguish and sorrow. I hope to hear your positive response. I shall be highly obliged to you for the same.

Thanking you.

Yours sincerely,
Gladson Dungdung
General Secretary,
JHRM, Ranchi.

‘It’s time Adivasis wrote, spoke about their anguish’

Gladson Dungdung and Swami Agnivesh

In 1980, one-year-old Gladson Dungdung and his family were displaced from their agricultural land for the construction of Kelaghat dam in Jharkhand and pushed into the forests of Simdega, where Dungdung’s father was arrested on allegations of felling trees. Ten years later, Dungdung’s parents, during another land struggle, were murdered.

In his book, Whose country is it anyway? Dungdung writes, “The Kelaghat dam was constructed with the aim of irrigating land in Simdega block. Three villages, Bernibera, Bara Barpani, and Budhratoli, were submerged and it affected 3,500 people. Currently, the water reaches only one village — Meromdega.”

The book published by Adivaani and launched on Feb. 7th at the Delhi World Book Fair by Himanshu Kumar, Swami Agnivesh and Felix Padel, is Gladson Dungdung’s attempt to tell the story of his people and their struggle.

(On Gladson Dungdung’s new book Whose country is it anyway?)

READ THIS AND MORE on adivaani’s website

Gladson’s new book to be released

Invitation by adivaani

Join us on February 7 at the New Delhi World Book Fair

A review by Felix Padel:

This book is out just when it is needed most: a book touching on every aspect of the Adivasi situation by an Adivasi activist prepared to take on the big questions and the key perpetrators of violence, from the big companies staging takeovers, headed by Tata, to the police increasingly serving these companies rather than India’s citizens, and the politicians facilitating the takeovers.

The book’s starting point is a recent Supreme Court Judgement that validates Adivasis’ identity as India’s original inhabitants. Significantly, this case involved an Adivasi woman stripped naked and shoved around a village in Maharashtra. Another piece focuses on the plight of Anna, a domestic servant, whose unheard plea for justice is symptomatic of mass exploitation and oppression of Adivasi women in domestic service. As for exposure to rape – what about rapists in uniform? Hasn’t rape been used against tribal people as a weapon of subjugation for decades? When tribal women are gang-raped by police or army personnel, are perpetrators ever punished? “Are these women too?” is one of the book’s strongest essays, covering the sexual abuse in a school in Chhattisgarh and other episodes that bring national shame.

The first essay starts at the beginning with the inspiring, yet harrowing story of the first Adivasi to oppose East India Company invasions, in 1779, with the words “Earth is our Mother”. Baba Tilika Manjhi paid for opposing the British with a gruesome death, giving the lie to the mastermind of this Paharia campaign, Augustus Cleveland, whose memorial in Bhagalpore claimed that he brought this tribal people under British rule “without terrors of authority”!

The book’s documentation of the many forms of violence and prejudice ranged against Adivasis fills a vital gap in literature. The detail is often sickening and will make any sane person extremely angry. It is shown how Adivasis are being displaced by dams, by industrial/mining projects, by continuing tricks of non-Adivasis, and – perhaps most outrageously of all – by the new University for the Study and Research of Law at Nagri. As Dungdung points out, the head of this university is also Jharkhand’s Chief Justice. If this isn’t a blatant conflict of interest, what is? This university’s takeover of land lays down a pattern of trampling on the Law that does not bode well for its future!

The book documents the situation in other states besides Jharkhand, such as Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Assam, where the Forest Department’s use of Boro tribal people to evict Adivasis from their forest land shows a typical colonial technique of turning one tribe against another. As the author asks, if Rahul Gandhi says he is Adivasis’ sipahi in Delhi, he needs to speak up a lot louder and more often on Adivasi issues!

Dungdung rightly points out that in many ways Nehru is the ‘Architect of Adivasis’ misery’, through his ideology of dams as ‘temples of modern India’. The experience of tens of thousands of Adivasis whose lives have been ruined by dams forms a blatant contradiction to Nehru’s stated principle that tribal people should always be allowed to develop according to their own genius. However well-meaning Nehru was in his words, his violent actions towards tribal communities have yet to be recognized: apart from the horror of his big dams, he also sent in the troops against tribal communities in Telengana in 1948, destroying the achievements of 3,000 villages who had effected a democratic redistribution of land, and similarly in Nagaland and Manipur during the 1950s, where troops used extreme levels of violence to force submission. In each case, ‘security forces’ established a level of habitual violence, including use of ‘rape as a weapon of war’, for which thousands of perpetrators went unpunished. Operation Greenhunt is just the latest manifestation of the recurring patterns of state violence that these two operations initiated. Offering just military action and ‘development’ to counteract today’s Maoist insurgency is no solution at all ‘precisely because the injustice, discrimination and denial are the foundation of the violence’.

Gladson Dungdung records the starvation levels of hunger still faced by large numbers of Adivasis. As Binayak Sen has pointed out using medical and nutrition statistics, over 50% of Adivasis and Dalits are presently living under famine conditions of malnourishment. This being so, how can India’s rulers claim they have brought ‘development’ at all to these sections of society? To be real, development needs to be under local democratic control, not dictated by corporations and opaque government hierarchies.

As the two most discriminated-against groups in India, Dalits and Adivasis share many experiences. Yet the difference between the two groups is also important to recognize: Dalits were more or less enslaved by mainstream society, while Adivasis maintained a high level of independence up to British times. As such, they developed their own diverse cultures and languages to a high level. Adivasi cultures are still too often perceived through stereotypes as ‘primitive’ and ‘backward’, when the reality is that they are extremely civilized and highly developed in areas of life where mainstream society is weak or degenerate. Centuries of development is often destroyed when Adivasi communities are thrown off their land by projects usurping the name ‘development’.

Adivasi society needs to be recognized for its formidable achievements, including an economic system that is based on and in accordance with the principles of ecology, and therefore sustainable in the true sense and the long term. Cultural Genocide is the term for what Adivasis are facing now all over India, and this book is a landmark in spelling out the injustice. By bringing out the truth, and documenting the situation from an authentic Adivasi perspective, this book gives hope for a turning of the tide that will counteract the genocidal invasions and takeovers of Adivasi land.

Will Mangra get back his land?

By Gladson Dungdung
JharkhandMirror.org

On 19 September, 2012, it was 2 o’clock in the afternoon when Mangra Oraon along with his son Kishor and cousin sister Suryamani reached to the Civil Court, Ranchi with the prime goal to reclaim his entitlement on 1.41 acres of land, which is grabbed unconstitutionally and illegally by Vasavi Bose alias Vasavi Kiro, member of the Jharkhand State Women Commission and Journalist turned social activist of Jharkhand. Magra comes from a village called Kotari, which is situated in the forest near Burmu Police station, at a distance of 40 kilometres from Ranchi, the capital city of Jharkhand. It was pick hour of harvesting, but Mangra had no option than stopping his agriculture activities and visit the Court to save his land. It was Mangra’s first experience dealing with the lawyer in the Court, but he was confident about what he wanted to do.

Finally, Mangra filed an affidavit, which reads as follows – ‘Vasavi told me that she comes from the Oraon tribal community, and asked me for some patches of land for the ‘Torang Trust’. She promised me that she would use my land for the welfare of the tribal community and give me a job along with the price of my land. Hence, I handed over her 1.41 acres of land. Meanwhile, she asked me to sign on a blank paper, which she submitted to the court and got the permission to transfer the ownership right of my land in her name instead of ‘Torang Trust’. However, when I came to know the truth, I didn’t transfer the ownership rights. Meanwhile, she lured and also abused me. Now, I don’t want to sell my land to Vasavi anymore, because she has cheated on me. She is a non-tribal woman but declared herself as a tribal woman through the false documents, which is a crime’.

Indeed, this is one of the unique cases of land grab therefore; we must understand it thoroughly. There are thousand and thousand of Mangras in Jharkhand, whose lands are being grabbed by the use of different ways and means. Mangra Oraon’s 1.41 acres of land were unconstitutionally and illegally grabbed by none other than Vasavi Kiro alias Vasavi Bose, who keeps claiming of being the voice of the Adivasis. It’s very interesting to know that firstly, Vasavi trapped Mangra Oraon by showing that she was willing to work for the welfare of the tribal people of Burmu block. Hence, she was able to grab 1.41 acres of land at the rate of merely Rs. 450 per decimal. Thereafter, she started coining herself as a member of the tribal community legally through trust deed and affidavit so that she could transfer the ownership rights in her name. Finally, she applied in the court for land transfer and constructed a house on the land, where she runs the office of Torang Trust. She is secretary of the trust and the National Commission for Women, New Delhi also provides financial support to the Trust. What a trick she played!

1. Vasavi is a daughter of three fathers: It may be hard to believe that one person would have three biological fathers.  But Vasavi Bose alias Vasavi Kiro is a daughter of three official biological fathers. According to the record of Ursuline Convent Girls High School, Ranchi and Bihar Secondary School Examination Board, Patna, Vasavi’s original name is Vasavi Bose daughter of Prafullo Bose resident of Tharpakhana, Ranchi, where she resides even today. However, according to the affidavit made on 31 October, 2007, Vasavi has claimed of being a member of the Oraon tribe. It is written in the affidavit that Vasavi daugther of Praful Kumar (Oraon) and resident of Kotari village of Burmu police station of Ranchi district.

Similarly, a social institution called “Torang Trust” was registered on 19 November, 2005, under the Indian Trust Act 1882, where Vasavi’s name is mentioned as Vasavi Kujur daughter of Bhola Kujur resident of Kotari comes under Burmu Police Station. Thus, Vasavi has changed her surname and father’s name several times to prove herself as a member of the tribal community with the intention to buy the tribal land and also bag most of the benefits with the tribal tag. Hence, her names read like Vasavi Bose, Vasavi Kujur, Vasavi Bhagat and Vasavi Kiro, and her fathers are late Prafullo Bose, late Praful Kumar (Oraon) and Mr. Bhola Kujur. The most interesting thing is neither Praful Kumar (Oraon) nor Bhola Kujur ever existed at Kotari village. Can a journalist or social activist do like this?

2. Violation of the Indian Constitution: According to the Indian Constitution Article 342 (1) the President after consultation with the Governor, by public notification, specify the tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State. Secondly, the Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Tribes specified in a notification issued under clause (1) any tribe or tribal community or part of or group within any tribe or tribal community, but save as aforesaid a notification issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent notification. However, Vasavi Bose alias Vasavi Kiro declared herself as a member of Oraon tribe community through an affidavit, which is a clear case of violation of the Indian Constitution.  Is Vasavi Bose above the Constitution? Can anybody be allowed to bypass the Indian Constitution? And why the Indian state has failed to take action against such people?

In fact, Vasavi Bose is a daughter of tribal mother and Bengali father. In that case can she claim for the tribal status? The Supreme Court has said in the cases of Valsamma Paul v. Cochin University and others, (1996) 3 SCC 545 followed by Punit Rai v. Dinesh Chaudhary, (2003) 8 SCC 204 and Anjan Kumar v. Union of India and others, (2006) 3 SCC 257 that the offspring of an inter caste marriage or a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal would take his/her caste from the father. Hence, the offshoots of the wedlock of a tribal woman married to a non-tribal husband cannot claim Scheduled Tribe status. Therefore, Vasavi Bose cannot claim for the tribal status. Hence, she should not be given any benefit as a member of the tribal community.

However, while providing safe guard to the offspring of tribal mother and non-tribal father, the Supreme Court said on 18 January, 2012 Rameshbhai Dabhai Naika versus State of Gujarat & Others S.L.P (CIVIL) NO.4282 of 2010) that in view of the analysis of the earlier decisions on a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal the determination of the caste of the offspring is essentially a question of fact to be decided on the basis of the facts adduced in each case. The determination of caste of a person born of an inter-caste marriage or a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal cannot be determined in complete disregard of attending facts of the case. In an inter caste marriage or a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal there may be a presumption that the child has the caste of the father. This presumption may be stronger in the case where in the inter caste marriage or a marriage between a tribal and a non-tribal the husband belongs to a forward caste.

The Supreme Court further said that by no means the presumption is conclusive or irrebuttable and it is open to the child of such marriage to lead evidence to show that he/she was brought up by the mother who belonged to the scheduled caste/scheduled tribe. By virtue of being the son of a forward caste father he did not have any advantageous start in life but on the contrary suffered the deprivations, indignities, humilities and handicaps like any other member of the community to which his/her mother belonged. Additionally, that he was always treated a member of the community to which her mother belonged not only by that community but by people outside the community as well. However, this judgement is also not applicable in the case of Vasavi Bose. Precisely, because she lived with his father Prafullo Bose at Thalpakhana, Ranchi and enjoyed as a member of Bengali community at the start of her life. She has seven brothers who use the surname as “Bose”. Hence, the act of Vasavi Bose is completely unconstitutional and against the judgement of the Supreme Court.

3. Non-Tribal woman cannot enjoy tribal status: Indeed, Vasavi Bose is a non-tribal woman who has married to a tribal man (Santosh Kiro). In this situation, can she claim for the tribal status? In fact, whenever the inter-caste marriage takes place, the woman takes on the caste of her husband. The Supreme Court proceeded to consider the next question which was, “whether a lady marrying a Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe or OBC citizen, or one transplanted by adoption or any other voluntary act, ipso facto, becomes entitled to claim reservation under Article 15(4) or 16(4) as the case may be?” In Murlidhar Dayandeo Kesekar v. Vishwanath Pandu Barde 1995 supp. (2) SCC 549 and R. Chandevarappa v. State of Karnataka (1995) 6 SCC 309: JT (1995) 7 SC 93, the Supreme Court has said that economic empowerment is a fundamental right to the poor and the State is enjoined under Articles 15(3), 46 and 39 to provide them opportunities. Thus, education, employment and economic empowerment are some of the programmes the State has evolved and also provided reservation in admission into educational institutions, or in case of other economic benefits under Articles 15(4) and 46, or in appointment to an office or a post under the State under Article 16(4).

Therefore, when a member is transplanted into the Dalits, Tribes and OBCs, he/she must of necessity also have had undergone the same handicaps, and must have been subjected to the same disabilities, disadvantages, indignities or sufferings so as to entitle the candidate to avail the facility of reservation. A candidate who had the advantageous start in life being born in Forward Caste and had march of advantageous life but is transplanted in Backward Caste by adoption or marriage or conversion, does not become eligible to the benefit of reservation either under Article 15(4) or 16(4). Acquisition of the status of Scheduled Caste etc. by voluntary mobility into these categories would play fraud on the Constitution, and would frustrate the benign constitutional policy under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution. Hence, under this judgement too, Vasavi Bose alias Vasavi Kiro cannot claim the tribal status for marrying the tribal man.

4. Violation of the CNT Act 1908: According to the section – 46 (1) (a) of the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act 1908, an occupancy-Raiyat who is a member of the Scheduled Tribes may transfer with the previous sanction of the Deputy Commissioner his right in his holding or a portion of his holding by sale, exchange, gift or will to another person who is a member of the Scheduled Tribas and who is a resident within the local limits of the area of the police-station within which the holding is situate. Of course, Vasavi Bose is a non-tribal woman, comes from Tharpakhna of Lower Bazar Police station in Ranchi the capital city of Jharkhand.  But she illegally bought 2.99 acre of tribal land. According to the investigation report of the Circre Officer (CO), Burmu, Vasavi Orien is a daughter of late Praful Kumar (Oraon) resident of Kotari village comes under Burmu police station in Ranchi district. The Circle Officer (CO) further writes that Vasavi owns 1.55 acres of land elsewhere and comes from the Oraon tribal community of Kotari village. Hence, 1.41 acres of land of Mangra Oraon can be transferred in her name, which does not violate the rights of land owner in any manner. Thus, Vasavi Bose became the owner of 2.99 acres of tribal land, which is a gross violation of the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act, 1908. Therefore, the land should be returned to the original land owners.

5. Deputy Commissioner defies the Law: According to the section – 46 (1) (a) of the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act 1908, an occupancy-Raiyat, who is a member of the Scheduled Tribes may transfer his land with the previous sanction of the Deputy Commissioner. Despite having such a strong land law, a non-tribal woman Vasavi Bose could able to transfer 2.99 acres of tribal land in her name. How? According to the investigation report of the Circle Officer (CO), Burmu, Vasavi owns 1.55 acres of land elsewhere and comes from the Oraon tribal community of Kotari village, which comes under Burmu police station of Ranchi district. Hence, she is given permission to transfer 1.44 acres of land of Mangra Oraon. On the basis of this report, the Deputy Commissioner also ordered for the land transfer. Is CO and DC influence by someone?

The victim of this saga of land grab, Mangra, claims that fake legal papers were made in the court and the permission for transfer of his 1.41 acres of land was given on that basis. He questions that how the affidavit and other legal papers were prepared in his name in the court, without his presence in the court? The illegal land grab is not uncommon in Jharkhand. The history of last three centuries is full of land grab and mass struggle against it. But the saga of Mangra is unique because the land grabber is not other than the so-called guard of the tribals. Secondly, the land was grabbed in the name of welfare of the tribals and thirdly, three editors of the leading media groups denied carrying the story of an unconstitutional and illegal land grab in their daily news papers. Can you imagine how powerful the land grabber is? Will Mangra be able to fight against such powerful lobby? Can government take legal action against Vasavi Bose for violating the Indian Constitution? Will Government take any action against the Circle Officer and the Deputy Commissioner for defying the Constitution and Laws? And the most important question, which may remain unanswered, is will Mangra get back his land?

Gladson Dungdung is a Human Rights Activist and General Secretary of Jharkhand Human Rights Movement. He can be reached at gladsonhractivist@gmail.com

Nagri People versus Jharkhand Government: Conflict of opposite world-views

By Stan Swamy

Why, on the one hand, the Adivasi people of Nagri are refusing to part with their land and are ready to make any sacrifice for it, and, on the other hand, the Jharkhand govt is determined to take it even at the cost of shedding the blood of people ?

In a democracy people are the masters and the govt is their servant. How come the table has turned opposite? How come Jharkhand government has become insensitive to the aspirations of the poorest of the poor and is bent upon obliging the richest class of society for its lavish needs?

The reason for this is to be traced to the very different world-views, two very different philosophies which guide the adivasi people on the one hand and the Jharkhand government on the other.

1. Concept of land and its use:

a) The adivasi people of Nagri look upon their land (earth) as their Mother inherited from their ancestors which they will use as long as they  are alive and will pass on to their future generations. Their land gives them an identity as its custodians, and hence it cannot be bought or sold but can only be used and protected. A second important consideration is that the 227 acres of their land which the government is trying to forcibly acquire is their only source of survival. They have worked hard on their land and have made it a fertile agricultural land. If such land is forcibly snatched from them they will lose their only source of sustenance. Sadly the erstwhile Bihar government as well as the successive govts of Jharkhand did not bother to do any thing for the welfare of this people.

b) Jharkhand government, on the other hand, is guided by capitalist ideology as per which land is only an economic commodity and is to be exploited to make the highest profit in as short a time as  possible. The capitalist who has the capital, technology to do that will be welcome to take over the land, destroy forest, agriculture, water sources and will not be held accountable to any body. As for Nagri land is concerned, it is being forcibly taken to make place for some prestigious institutions (IIM, National Law University) in which local Jharkhandi students will hardly have any place. It is actually meant for the top elite class of society from all over the country. It will be just a decoration on the throne of the capitalist ruling class, and for this the toiling Jharkhandi masses have to sacrifice all they have, and be thrown on the street as rickshaw-pullers and casual labourers. This is a very unjust process of impoverishment of the small land-owning class and shows the emptiness of capitalism.

2. The offer of compensation:

a) Nagri people refused to accept cash compensation in 1957 and they refuse to accept it now. They refused even to discuss it with the high-power committee because they know very well that money can never replace their land. They know that hard work on their land will give them food, self-respect and dignity, whereas money will simply throw them in the consumerist market and their money will be finished even before they know it. Also they know what has been the miserable condition of those adivasis & moolvasis who had received cash compensation in the past.

b) Jharkhand government, on the other hand, is trying its best to dump some money on the to-be-displaced people and then neatly forget them. It is again making the same mistake of fixing the amount without any transparency and without taking the affected people into confidence. The whole process is arbitrary and therefore illegal and invalid.

3) Facts speak for themselves:

a) Nagri people have placed all the facts on the table, namely (i) they live in Vth Schedule area where TAC has a crucial role, (ii) CNT Act is applicable, (iii) they are covered by PESA Act, (iv) they refused compensation in 1957, (v) the written statement from BIRSA Agriculture University that it is not in possession of the supposedly acquired land, (vi) copies of khatyan and malgujari which establish their actual possession of the land in question.

b) Jharkhand government, on the other hand, is hiding these facts before the judiciary and is putting forward only the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 which we all know is the British colonial Act meant to seize Indian land for the empire. Thus Jharkhand government is playing a cheating game.

To conclude, may we say that government’s capitalist approach has enriched the already rich, further impoverished the already poor and has brought in uncontrolled corruption in every level and walk of life. It is only the approach of the indigenous adivasi people of Nagri which cherishes the Earth as Mother and respect and protect her rights will see the development and welfare of all human beings.

Writer is a Human Rights Activist from Jharkhand associated with the
Nagri People’s Movement.